By Dr Arun Mitra
As the Punjab Assembly elections draw closer, the political atmosphere in the state is changing rapidly. All political parties are formulating strategies to attract voters, and discussions on possible political alignments have also begun, though they remain at an early stage.
The RSS-BJP government at the Centre, through the Election Commission, has initiated the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. This exercise has reportedly yielded political dividends for the BJP in some other states, and there are indications that a similar approach is being pursued in Punjab. However, the BJP is well aware that its traditional Hindu-Muslim polarization strategy is unlikely to yield significant electoral gains in Punjab. The state’s Muslim population is largely concentrated in Malerkotla district, while a sizeable number of Muslim migrant workers are employed in industries in cities such as Ludhiana and in the agricultural sector across the state. Consequently, the BJP appears to be pursuing a different strategy in Punjab.
Punjab has a Sikh-majority population, with Sikhs playing a dominant role in agriculture and agribusiness, while also maintaining a significant presence in urban areas. Hindus are concentrated largely in towns and cities and are engaged in various commercial and business activities.
The state is also home to a large number of settlers who migrated from other parts of India and have lived in Punjab for decades. In addition, several religious sects and Deras wield considerable influence among different sections of the population. Recognizing this, the BJP has adopted a multi-pronged strategy and has intensified its outreach to these religious institutions.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the influential Dera Sachkhand Ballan in Jalandhar on the occasion of Guru Ravidas Jayanti. During the visit, he paid respects and met the Dera’s spiritual head, Sant Niranjan Dass. Prior to the Prime Minister’s visit, a delegation of senior Punjab BJP leaders, including national general secretary Tarun Chugh, former Union Minister Vijay Sampla, and BJP leader Avinash Chander, had also visited the Dera.
Similarly, Haryana Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini and Punjab BJP President Kewal Singh Dhillon visited the headquarters of Radha Soami Satsang Beas (RSSB) at Beas. Saini met RSSB chief Baba Gurinder Singh Dhillon, reportedly to seek blessings and discuss spiritual and social issues. These visits underline the BJP’s efforts to expand its influence among followers of major religious organizations in the region.
Although Dera Sacha Sauda is located in Haryana, it commands a substantial following in Punjab as well. Its chief, Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, despite being incarcerated, continues to enjoy considerable influence. His frequent paroles have often generated controversy, and many observers believe that his influence is strategically utilized during election periods.
Recently, the BJP appears to have added another dimension to its political strategy. A common practice associated with the RSS has been to float ideas in the public sphere, gauge public reaction, and then decide whether to advance them further. In this context, Maharashtra Cabinet Minister Girish Mahajan attended the June 6 commemoration of Operation Blue Star at the Damdami Taksal headquarters in Mehta Chowk. During the event, he publicly referred to those who fought against the Indian Army during Operation Blue Star as “martyrs.” It is well in the public knowledge that the BJP leader Lal Krishan Advani had put pressure on the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to carry out military action on the Golden Temple.
Armed action at a major religious site anywhere in the world is bound to be controversial because of the deep emotions and sentiments attached to such places. Mahajan also compared the role of the Congress Party to that of Ahmad Shah Abdali. There is no doubt that several Congress leaders played a reprehensible role in instigating anti-Sikh violence in Delhi and elsewhere following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her security guards in 1984. However, what has received far less attention is the role played by RSS cadres at the grassroots level in fuelling anti-Sikh sentiment during that period.
Significantly, Mahajan made no reference to Operation Black Thunder, which was conducted during the tenure of the Barnala government. Operation Black Thunder was carried out in two phases to remove armed militants from the Golden Temple complex. Operation Black Thunder I commenced on the night of April 30, 1986, and concluded on May 1, 1986. Operation Black Thunder II began on May 9, 1988, and ended on May 18, 1988, with the surrender of the militants.
These operations differed substantially from Operation Blue Star. They were led primarily by the National Security Guard (NSG) and the Punjab Police and were conducted with greater emphasis on minimizing civilian casualties and damage to the shrine. During Black Thunder I, Chief Minister Surjit Singh Barnala sought central intervention, leading to the deployment of security forces. By the time Black Thunder II was launched, the Barnala government had been dismissed, and Punjab was under President’s Rule.
Reports have also surfaced that BJP national president Nitin Nabin has indicated the possibility of an electoral alliance with the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD). This raises certain contradictions. Historically, the Akalis and the Damdami Taksal have not always shared common political perspectives. The Damdami Taksal played a prominent role during the turbulent years of militancy and was associated with the Khalistan movement and the promotion of separatist ideology. The Akali leadership did not endorse violence or separatism, although its opposition to these tendencies was often perceived as inadequate and muted.
As a party rooted in religious identity politics, the Akali Dal’s secular credentials have frequently been questioned. It is also noteworthy that Akali leaders repeatedly raised issues of alleged discrimination against Sikhs and, at times, engaged in symbolic acts such as tearing copies of the Indian Constitution. Such actions contributed to shaping public perceptions and political discourse during that period.
The BJP appears to have hoped that any future alliance with the Akalis would place it in the dominant position. However, this may no longer be easy, particularly in light of recent local body election results. The Akali Dal, which traditionally sought to consolidate Sikh votes, now faces competition from several other organizations.
One such emerging force is Waris Punjab De, currently headed by Member of Parliament and preacher Amritpal Singh. He assumed leadership of the organization after the death of its founder, actor-activist Deep Sidhu. Critics have alleged that Amritpal Singh has benefited indirectly from the policies of the BJP-led central government. Deep Sidhu’s publicly known proximity to Prime Minister Narendra Modi has also led some political observers to question the nature of these relationships. Consequently, questions have also been raised about Amritpal Singh’s political trajectory.
The BJP’s role in subtly promoting communal polarization in Punjab has been observed in the past as well. During the peak years of militancy, speeches delivered by some BJP leaders at peace committee meetings often reflected communal undertones and reinforced religious divisions rather than fostering unity.
In this context, the BJP’s current political manoeuvring in Punjab warrants close attention. The Communist Party of India (CPI) consistently opposed separatism and terrorist violence, often at great sacrifice, including the loss of several committed comrades. During that period, the slogan “Na Hindu Raj, Na Khalistan – Jug Jug Jive Hindustan” became widely popular as an expression of opposition to both communal majoritarianism and separatism.
The developments unfolding today therefore call for vigilance. If Punjab succeeds in halting the BJP’s political advance, it could represent a significant setback for the party. However, achieving such an outcome will require careful planning and broad-based political mobilization. The Left is no longer as organizationally powerful as it was during the 1980s, but it continues to retain considerable ideological strength.
The Left still has a meaningful presence among trade unions, agricultural labourers, and small and marginal farmers. While many political parties continue to frame electoral politics primarily through the lens of religious identity, the Left has consistently emphasized issues affecting ordinary people—wages, agricultural prices, education, healthcare, employment, and women’s rights.
It is essential that these issues remain at the forefront of public discourse. The challenge before progressive forces is to build a broad anti-fascist front that can unite Left organizations with democratic and secular forces beyond the Left, thereby providing a credible alternative to divisive identity-based politics. (IPA Service)
