By Praful Bidwai
Was it pure sensationalism? Or did The Indian Express story of the un-notified movement of two army units, a mechanised infantry formation from Hisar in Haryana and the 50 Para Brigade based in Agrain Uttar Pradesh, towards the national capital on January 16 contain some truth? How credible is the army’s version that the units were only conducting a routine exercise to test their effectiveness during thick fog?
That the troop movement, which the paper claimed “spooked New Delhi”, took place the night before Chief of Army Staff Gen VK Singh moved his petition before the Supreme Court amidst extremely fraught relations with the defence ministry over his correct date of birth triggered speculation that Gen Singh was flexing his muscle and delivering the threat of an impending coup.
Former Northern Army Commander Lt Gen HS Panag even suggested that the movement was an attempt by a “compromised [military] hierarchy” to pre-empt a likely decision by the defence ministry to sack Gen Singh. Gen Panag, who was relieved of his charge after an anti-corruption inquiry, is no longer a serving officer. But he is a member of the Armed forces Tribunal. As such, it was totally out of order for him to make these remarks.
Yet, all such speculation can be put to rest as dangerous and irresponsible nonsense. No protocol or standard operating procedure demands prior notification of sub-corps-level movements. The two units were halted without resistance and quietly returned to base. That’s not how coups are staged.
If the army indeed wanted to move paratroopers close to Rashtrapati Bhavan, it could have asked 50 Para to land directly on Rajpath. Or it could have mobilised the thousands of soldiers present in the National Capital Region for Army Day (January 15) celebrations and the impending Republic Day parade. There was simply no provocation for such offensive action or muscle-flexing.
That apart, the speculation seriously misunderstands and misrepresents the culture and ethos of the Indian Army, which discourage the very idea of questioning civilian supremacy over the armed forces, leave alone usurping power from an elected government. The entire command structure of the army is designed to preclude such an eventuality.
Not just Gen Singh—who had publicly commented on March 13 on the possibility of wild speculation about the January 16 manoeuvres—, but also Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and defence minister AK Antony, dismissed the Express story as stupid, absurd, alarmist and deplorable. No evidence has subsequently emerged which substantiates the allegations it contains.
Reassuring as this is, there’s no doubt however that the relationship between the armed forces and the defence ministry has been badly strained, even vitiated, in the recent past. As we see below, both are culpable for the prevalent climate of suspicion, distrust, intrigue and skulduggery. Besides, there are numerous factional groupings, particularly in the army, which often work at cross purposes. Or else, we wouldn’t have had so many leaks of sensitive internal information to the media.
Among the more damaging of these is the allegation that the army intercepted telephone conversations between high defence ministry personnel before Gen Singh filed his writ petition. This charge was never substantiated, and has all the makings of a disinformation campaign.
More recently, a confidential letter from Gen Singh to Dr Manmohan Singh was leaked on the army’s lack of preparedness in air defences, night-fighting abilities, helicopters, artillery and other weapons systems.
Such letters are traditionally written to the Prime Minister shortly before the COAS demits office. But the leak of this one was instantly linked to the dispute over Gen Singh’s date of birth (DoB). This again was an invention of intriguers. In reality, there was no dispute over the DoB till 2006. Gen Singh was cleared for top-level promotions, with 1951 accepted in army records as the year he was born.
Nor is there any mystery about the timing of the interview he gave to The Hindu, in which he alleged that he was offered a Rs 14-crore bribe by retired Defence Intelligence Agency chief Lt General Tejinder Singh to clear defective Czech-made Tatra heavy trucks.
Gen VK Singh is a man of high integrity who has done much to clean up the army by fighting corruption. Opinion may be divided over who was responsible for turning the DoB into a contentious issue, and whether Gen Singh should have become the first COAS to drag the government to court. But on balance, he seems to have been in the right.
However, a much greater, and darker, truth lies behind these developments. And that is, the army is rife with factionalism along caste, community, regional and regimental loyalties, as well as mired in numerous corruption scandals. The representation made to the PM on Gen VK Singh’s behalf by numerous Rajput MPs is only one instance of this. Another is the generous donation of money to various regimental funds, which aren’t subjected to rigorous scrutiny.
Even worse is the apparently well-substantiated allegation, contained in a writ petition filed in the Supreme Court by former Navy chief L Ramdas, former Chief Election Commissioner N Gopalaswami and three ex-generals, that former army chief JJ Singh manipulated the COAS succession process so that Eastern Army Commander Lt Gen Bikram Singh would take over from Gen VK Singh in May. This is a dead-serious matter.
The government has prematurely announced—three months in advance, rather than two months earlier, as is usual—that Gen Bikram Singh would be the next COAS. Now, Gen Bikram Singh has two court cases pending against him: the first for staging and covering up a fake “encounter” killing in Kashmir in 2001, and the second for Indian troops’ misconduct, including rape, during a United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo under his charge in 2008.
Propriety as well as convention demands that he shouldn’t be designated the next COAS until he’s cleared of these cases. The succession must be put on hold and the entire selection/promotion process investigated. Or the public will lose confidence in its integrity.
The defence ministry hasn’t covered itself with glory on this count. Nor is its argument tenable that it didn’t pursue the bribery charge levelled by Gen VK Singh in a verbal complaint because the COAS didn’t want to press it. But this isn’t a matter of the COAS’s personal choice. If a misdemeanour was indeed alleged, the ministry is duty-bound to investigate it and punish the culprit.
The defence ministry is also guilty of a failure to formulate a long-term security policy and integrate three separate service-based war-fighting doctrines; of following antiquated procedures for arms procurement; of gross financial mismanagement (resulting in the surrendering of over Rs 22,500 crores to the exchequer since 2002); and of reliance on a dysfunctional Defence Research and Development Organisation.
However, even graver are the failings of the armed services, which are mired in corruption scandals, such as the Sukna land scam (in which 71 acres was illegally transferred in West Bengal to a private realtor), and the Adarsh Housing Society case in Mumbai, in which two former COASs were given apartments, besides numerous other officers. Not even rations and eggs are bought and sold without bribes exchanging hands.
Corruption has risen to dizzy levels since Kargil (1999), when the armed forces started to import huge quantities of weapons from the West, making India the world’s biggest arms importer in 2007-2011. The manner in which import tenders are framed strongly favours pre-determined sellers, while enormous bribes are paid to officials, as the Tehelka expose vividly showed.
Because the armed forces are shielded from the normal scrutiny of the Comptroller and Auditor General, these scams rarely come to light.
Even more worrisome is the breakdown of norms which must regulate the conduct of the armed forces in democracy, including their apolitical character, non-interference in policy matters, and civilian supremacy. Thus our generals think nothing of making public statements contrary to the government’s views or policies on matters such as the Siachen glacier dispute with Pakistan, the world’s highest-intensity and highest-absurdity conflict.
Siachen has claimed over 2,000 lives mainly thanks to frostbite, and driven thousands of soldiers into acute psychological disorders. India and Pakistan came close to resolving the dispute at least three times, including in 1989, 2006 and 2011. In 2006, Gen JJ Singh publicly ruled out his army’s withdrawal until its positions on the glacier are marked and recorded. The local commander had journalists flown in to announce that the army wouldn’t withdraw barring on its own terms.
Similarly, during last year’s debate on the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, and a growing consensus on suspending it in Kashmir because of a dramatic reduction in cross-border infiltration amidst declining militancy, several army commanders systematically lobbied against the move and even threatened to stop counterinsurgency operations if the draconian Act is lifted.
Such conduct is unacceptable and must be severely punished. Or, the armed forces will lose their integrity and credibility in the eyes of the people—with disastrous consequences for democracy. (IPA Service)
