By Al Neal
The reality that the courts will decide whether or not the ballots of millions of voters will be counted this November 3 is evident. Donald Trump and the entire Republican Party are laying the groundwork now to hold onto power by whatever means necessary—the will of voters be damned.
Legal teams are being assembled and court challenges prepared, some already filed, in states across the country should they be needed to stop vote counts, recounts, or dispute results. It’s no exaggeration to say that a legal coup is brewing if the election doesn’t end up going to Trump and the GOP.
With Trump’s packing of the courts with conservative judges and his determination to ram through a new far-right Supreme Court justice before Election Day, Republicans face a judicial battleground favourable to them in far too many places.
The last time Republicans pulled this off was in the 2000 election when the courts handed the presidency to George W. Bush over Al Gore. That subversion of democracy didn’t come at the point of a gun or with jack-booted thugs storming the capitol. It came in lawyers’ suits and justices’ robes.
When the far right couldn’t win a fair election by the majority votes of the American people, they stole it through the courts. The GOP is planning to do it again. And this time, the consequences could be even worse.
Four years under a Donald J. Trump presidency have seen a major transformation of the executive branch—trading political influence for private sector favours, side-stepping Congress to install unqualified individuals as “acting” officials—and the weaponisation of the Dept. of Justice under Attorney General Bill Barr, who serves as Trump’s legal tool and personal attorney.
As if the flagrant abuse of executive power and the mismanagement of the global coronavirus pandemic were not enough, the occupant of the White House is now threatening the integrity of the very act of casting a ballot. With the U.S. still grappling with the coronavirus, at least a third of voters, maybe more, are expected to cast their ballot by mail.
It’s a small action, but it is one that’s quite terrifying for the Republican Party. Why? Because making voting more accessible will likely lead to more votes cast for Democratic candidates.
In truth, mail-in-voting allows individuals (most often Black and Latino voters) typically disenfranchised through politically-motivated measures like shutting down or restricting the number of polling places to participate in the electoral process. Postal voting allows people in poor and working-class neighbourhoods to get their ballots in regardless of the artificially long polling place lines often engineered by Republican election officials.
Like gerrymandered redistricting, the targeted purging of voter rolls, and modern-day poll taxes, the goal of such sabotage is to steal people’s right to vote.
These often-disenfranchised voters are more than likely to vote and lean left, which has got Republicans worried about losing. Democrats and left activists, meanwhile, worry about massive voter suppression by Republicans. Despite an advertising blitz by Trump’s Postmaster Louis DeJoy claiming everything will go smoothly on Election Day, reports suggest the United States Postal Service is concerned about its ability to handle the surge of ballots—especially after the destruction of mail sorting machinery.
At the center of the chaos engulfing the integrity of the vote is Donald Trump, who casts doubts over a free and fair election by using the Supreme Court and lower courts’ shadow docket (emergency orders and summary decisions that are outside the high court’s principal docket of argued cases and decisions) to secure legal wins for his re-election, while expertly providing the public with a consistent stream of voting misinformation: “Mail-in ballots substantially increases the risk of crime and VOTER FRAUD!”
Of course, there is no evidence that any of his “fraud” claims are true. And of the minuscule cases of voter fraud documented, most tend to be localized and not tilted toward Democrats—2018 saw North Carolina Republicans cited for election fraud.
All the while, the margin of victory for Biden narrows as we inch towards Nov. 3. Trump keeps sowing the seeds of division and partisan polarization through social media. He works to leverage general public distrust of government and news media to his advantage.
The likelihood of a disputed election is a real possibility and if so, it would mark the fifth time in U.S. history a president was elected without voters (technically).
Both parties know this and both have likely developed some cunning strategy stemming from the outcome of the 2000 U.S. presidential election in the event the ultimate decision this year falls back into the hands of black-robed jurists seated within the high court.
Truth can be stranger than fiction. And the sudden twists, turns, and overall bitterness that characterized the Y2K presidential election year is perhaps only matched by the current election cycle. Democrat Al Gore and Republican George W. Bush differed on many of the issues confronting today’s candidates, but there was no global pandemic, nor a fractured economy, nor the same level of extreme partisanship within voting blocs to contend with at the time.
Regardless, a razor-thin margin was all that separated the two candidates as Election Day 2000 neared. On the evening of Nov. 7, 2000, as Americans gathered around their television sets, and weary campaign staffers brought out their well-earned six-packs, what they found was television networks declaring Gore the winner of Florida and thus the presidency, then quickly “correcting” themselves to give Bush the win, leading to a rushed concession call by Gore, which he took back an hour later.
Mistakes and schemes unfolding throughout election night and beyond led to a 36-day political and legal battle on how to resolve a tie for the presidency. So what went wrong in Florida?
On election night, the preliminary vote tally in Florida showed Bush winning by about 1,700 votes, and with the state’s 25 electoral votes up for the taking, the winner would become the next president. But that initial vote count was less than a 0.5 percent difference, forcing an automatic machine recount. The first recount left Bush with only a 317-vote lead over Gore. Gore, therefore, asked for a manual recount as allowed by Florida law. Over the coming weeks, Democrats and state officials fought over election deadlines and pushed for deadline extensions.
The challenges to sabotage and disrupt mail-in voting are already well underway. They take the form of limiting voting options, ripping up postal boxes, crippling mail sorting facilities, purging voter rolls, and shuttering polling places. But as we see in the courts, Republicans are using the courts to the dirty work of voter suppression.
It is no guarantee that all votes will get counted, especially if the results are close and disputes go to the courts. In 2000, the Supreme Court helped block the counting of votes and handed the White House to Bush, who left office eight years later with two wars raging and an economy in freefall (a collapse only surpassed since by the Trump-COVID depression).
It could happen again, and if necessary, the GOP will show no hesitation to subvert democracy using the courts as a weapon. And compared to 2000, we have a court system that has been packed with conservative judges by Trump. With the death of Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the extreme right will have an even tighter lock on the Supreme Court, leaving all three branches of government in the hands of a single party. (IPA Service)