By Dr. Arun Mitra
The concept of social division based on caste has been codified in the Manusmriti. According to it, society was divided into four varnas (castes). This system institutionalized inequality by segregating people into upper and lower strata — the so-called ‘upper castes’ and ‘lower castes’.
The most tragic aspect of this system was the labelling of manual labourers as ‘untouchables’ Nearly one-fourth of the population, who toiled day and night, were completely deprived of basic human rights. They were treated with extreme indignity — to the extent that if a person from an upper caste happened to pass through a street, the so-called ‘untouchables’ were not even permitted to walk on the same path. Such a system of graded inequality has no parallel in any other civilization. Consequently, this large section of society remained economically, socially, and culturally backward. They were denied access to education, and social interaction with them was strictly prohibited. People from other castes would not only refuse to share meals or establish familial relations with them but even considered sitting together unacceptable.
Over centuries, the varna system was propagated so persistently that it became deeply ingrained in people’s minds and social institutions. Tragically, even sections of the oppressed came to accept their condition as destiny.
It is however to be noted that there has been resistance and opposition to the caste system since long. Historical evidence of movements against the caste system in India can be traced back to ancient and medieval religious reform efforts, such as Buddhism and the Bhakti movement, with organized socio-political movements emerging in the 19th and 20th centuries. The earliest documented challenge to the caste system came from the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama, the Buddha who explicitly rejected the superiority of the Brahmins and the hierarchical varna (caste) system, teaching that a person’s worth is determined by their actions (karma) and moral conduct, not their birth.
The Bhakti movement included the so called ‘lower castes’ that were left aloof by Brahminical society. Many of the saints of the Bhakti movement, who were from the so called ‘lower castes,’ broke the Vedic monopoly of the Brahmins.
Jyotirao Phule was a fierce anti-caste ideologue. He founded the Satyashodhak Samaj in 1873 in Maharashtra to advocate for the rights of the so called ‘lower castes’ and women. He was also a pioneer in women’s education, opening one of India’s first schools for girls in 1848.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, deeply aware of this social reality, declared that as long as caste exists, social divisions will persist. He forcefully advocated for the complete annihilation of caste. His historic essay “Annihilation of Caste” remains one of the most powerful critiques of social inequality. Ambedkar emphasized that caste- based discrimination weakens the unity of the working classes.
He further argued that without social freedom, political freedom is meaningless; Independence from British rule would hold little value if large sections of society remained socially enslaved. Yet, perhaps he did not foresee that in independent India, several steps would be taken for the upliftment of the oppressed, and that the Constituent Assembly, formed under his own leadership, would enact progressive laws to protect their rights. Thus, political freedom indeed has great significance — it laid the foundation for further struggles toward social equality. Leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Bhagat Singh realised that political independence would enable us to shape our own laws and social structures free from colonial domination.
In the struggle against caste discrimination, the Communists and other progressive forces played a crucial role. They believed in a classless society and in building a just social order rooted in scientific thought and free from exploitation. Many Communist workers visited the homes of so-called ‘untouchables’, ate with them, lived among them, and built genuine bonds of solidarity. For this, they faced harsh social ostracism — many were expelled from their homes and shunned by their communities.
Inspired by a scientific and egalitarian outlook, they linked caste-based oppression with broader class exploitation. They viewed caste as a component of the feudal and capitalist systems of domination. Their struggle against class exploitation thus naturally encompassed the fight against caste-based hierarchies.
It is unfortunate that, during the same period, some leaders from the Dalit community emerged who, driven by the lure of power, began mobilizing people purely on caste lines rather than fostering class unity. In embracing capitalist politics and economics, they inadvertently strengthened the very structures that perpetuate inequality. As a result, the real upliftment of the Dalit masses remained incomplete.
Recognizing this reality, the Communist Party sought to unite all oppressed sections and, following the scientific principles propounded by Karl Marx, worked to build social harmony, a caste-free society, and a movement against all forms of exploitation.
To advance the idea of annihilating caste, progressive forces must intensify the class struggle. To make this struggle more effective, people from different social sections must be united. Limiting organization to a single caste weakens the broader movement. Conflicts between castes do not solve the problem — unity across all exploited and oppressed sections is the only path forward.
Therefore, for progressive movements, mobilizing people solely on the basis of caste cannot be considered a step in the right direction. Scientific theory of class struggle as propounded by Karl Marx must be applied to the specific conditions of our country. The economic, social, and cultural conditions of the backward classes must be improved— through education, employment, and equal opportunities — so that all economically weaker sections can rise together beyond caste divisions.
It is imperative that economically and socially disadvantaged communities must be provided special provisions and support. At the same time, it is essential to spread awareness that all human beings are fundamentally equal, and that scientific thinking must replace blind faith and social prejudice.
The rationally thinking people, therefore, have a dual task — to advance both class struggle and social reform. The caste-oppressed and exploited must be equipped with scientific consciousness and encouraged to join the struggle for equality. Only then can we move decisively toward building a just and exploitation-free society. (IPA Service)
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