By Arun Srivastava
Notwithstanding nursing an intense dislike for Narendra Modi, the RSS played existential role in Hindu consolidation in Bengal and transforming it from a fragmented demographic into a unified voting bloc. Through grassroots mobilization it motivated thousands of local apolitical Hindu youths to come forward to protect Hindus and Hindutva, as it was endangered in the state, it brought nearly 15 thousand trained and seasoned swayamsevaks from across the country to Bengal and assigned them even in the remotest rural pockets.
Though Amit Shah and Gyanesh Kumar are bestowed with the credit of BJP sweeping the election, it is the Hindu polarisation strategy of the RSS that paid off. Highly placed RSS sources confide that implementing SIR has been basically the part of the RSS strategy. Since winning Bengal has been quintessential for RSS to expand across India, it had not taken any chance. For it, Modi will not be prime minister, for ever, but the organisation will continue to exist. Obviously it was imperative that its base should be expanded and strengthened.
The RSS sources are also not happy with Amit Shah, the alleged Chanakya of Narendra Modi, as he seriously faltered in implementing the SIR in the manner it was desired. RSS wanted it in a smoother manner RSS worked for more than six months starting FROM November last year. In the last two months, especially after the announcement of the elections, its cadres focused on eight districts specifically to arouse Hindu voters within the fold of TMC. Now, the RSS is satisfied that its planning has worked.
The exigency of the Bengal assembly polls could be gauged from the simple fact that besides deploying its own cadres, RSS mobilized cadres of its allies to address concerns over regional security, demographic shifts, and cultural identity, bridging caste divides to create a cohesive Hindutva narrative that directly fuelled BJP’s political ascent. RSS held at least 2000 Hindu Sammelans across the state, in the form of courtyard sammelan. Since these meetings were held inside the villages, the women were encouraged to participate and share their experiences.
If RSS has not taken the command of the situation, it was certain that BJP would have lost the election. RSS mainly used the Muslim scary speech for consolidating the Hindus. Mamata sparked a major political row, where she stated that if a specific community (interpreted as Muslim) unites and surrounds others, “it will take one second to completely ruin/finish everything”. These remarks were interpreted as a veiled threat, highlighting her reliance on a specific vote bank and creating an atmosphere of fear. It worked miracle for uniting Hindus and project Muslims as their enemies.
In a similar context, she was reported to have told Bengali Hindus that her administration keeps them safe, or else another community would “finish” them in one second. Amidst protests, she has also urged the Muslim community to remain united, promising to protect their land and religious rights. RSS leaders allege that her statements reflect her insecurity and an attempt to secure a 27 per cent Muslim electorate, accusing her of divisive politics. The situation has been described by critics as a way of keeping the state in a perpetual state of fear and tension to secure political dominance
Key elements of the RSS-driven polarization in Bengal include; grassroots mobilization and make the Hindus accept the Muslim challenge. The RSS and affiliates like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) used social initiatives to reach households, moving beyond urban centres into rural Bengal. Campaigns emphasized the protection of Hindu women, concerns over illegal immigration, and the security of Hindus, particularly following reports of violence in neighbouring Bangladesh.
During the pre and post election in Bangladesh, the RSS had focused immensely on the issue of ensuring protection of Hindus there. This was the part of its strategy to reach out to the Hindus here in Bengal. It wanted to send the message that Hindus were unsafe in Muslim Bangladesh. They succeeded in their mission to convince the Bengali Hindus to believe that they will become unsafe with Mamata coming to power as Muslims will be the dictating force.
RSS used festivals such as Ram Navami to build a strong, collective identity. This strategy enabled the BJP to overcome previous electoral limitations and turn Bengal into a stronghold of Hindu nationalism. The initiative effectively challenged the traditional political dominance of the Trinamool Congress (TMC), leading to a significant shift in political alignment. While some observers see this as a return of cultural identity, others, including opposition leaders, argue that this has created a deeper social divide within the state
While it made sustained efforts to reach out the Hindus, it also opened channels with the Muslims and convinced them that the thrust of Mamata on Muslims’ protection would simply turn Hindus hostile to them. Instead they should join hands with the Hindus and vote for BJP. This strategy paid for BJP in a number of constituencies. The minority community constitutes 50 percent or more of the total population across the three districts Murshidabad, Malda and North Dinajpur. Together, 43 of Bengal’s 294 assembly seats are spread across these districts. The BJP, which won just eight of the 43 seats in 2021, has won in 19 this time—a gain of 11 seats. The TMC, meanwhile, was reduced to just 22 seats from the 35 it won in 2021. Besides, the Congress and AJUP won two seats each in Murshidabad, while the CPI(M) won one. This RSS strategy even paid in Calcutta and BJP could win five seats out of eleven. In 2021 it had no seat. (IPA Service)
