By Dr Arun Mitra
According to scientific understanding, society is always dynamic, and change is inevitable. Sometimes change moves rapidly; at other times, circumstances slow it down.
During India’s freedom struggle, the uprising of 1857 represented a powerful and rapid challenge to British imperialism, accompanied by immense sacrifice. After its defeat, however, the movement weakened under severe British repression and the resulting disappointment. It took several decades for an organised nationwide movement to develop again.
The establishment of the Indian National Congress in 1885, with A. O. Hume as its principal initiator and with important Indian leaders such as Dadabhai Naoroji, Surendranath Banerjee, Dinshaw Wacha, Pherozeshah Mehta and Badruddin Tyabji, marked an important development. Womesh Chunder Bonnerjee became its first president. The early Congress sought to create political consciousness, unite Indians, secure greater representation in administration and legislatures, and demand constitutional reforms. Gradually discussions ensued within to further advance the goals of the movement. Thus, we see the emergence of strong debates as ‘Garam Dal and Naram Dal’. In 1905 when the British split the Bengal on communal lines there was a powerful ‘Bang Bhang Virodhi’ movement. People from all religious groups came around together to oppose the British machinations. Then, we are witness to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. Following this there was non-cooperation movement.
It was in 1921 that the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) called for complete independence from the British Imperialism. This period was accompanied with workers movements across the country. Maulana Hasrat Mohani coined the iconic revolutionary slogan “Inquilab Zindabad” in 1921 and demanded complete independence (Azadi-e-Kaamil) from the British.
The freedom struggle subsequently gained strength through the revolutionary movement, the Ghadar movement, the Communist movement, workers and peasants struggles, women’s participation and numerous other popular movements.
Over time, however, Congress politics evolved, and at the Lahore Session of 1929, Purna Swaraj became its formal goal.
After independence too, movements for people’s rights continued, with students and youth playing an important role, particularly until the 1980s.
After the 1980s, however, student movements weakened considerably. At the same time, India’s economic policies underwent major changes. By the end of the decade, policies favouring private capital and the corporate sector were gaining momentum. These policies were strengthened under the governments of P. V. Narasimha Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee and accelerated further during the tenure of Dr Manmohan Singh.
The Indian economy improved in several respects, but the gains of economic growth were distributed very unevenly. Wealth became increasingly concentrated, while large sections of society remained economically vulnerable. Education became increasingly expensive, access to higher education more difficult, and employment opportunities for young people increasingly uncertain.
After Narendra Modi and the BJP came to power, these trends intensified. Wealth and resources increasingly became concentrated in the hands of a small number of corporate groups. During the UPA period, corruption was portrayed as the principal cause of India’s problems, while Narendra Modi was projected as a strong leader who would rapidly transform the country. After 2014, economic difficulties, unemployment and other failures were frequently attributed to previous governments, while an impression was created that India had achieved its “real freedom” only after 2014.
At the same time, communal narratives increasingly linked unemployment, inflation and even social problems with Muslims. This contributed to an atmosphere of hatred and violence and weakened India’s social fabric.
But such narratives cannot continue indefinitely. Students and young people, who had remained relatively inactive for decades, are beginning to recognise their real problems—unemployment, expensive education, inequality, lack of opportunities and restrictions on democratic freedoms.
Recent student and youth protests indicate this changing consciousness. Anger has grown over disparaging remarks about young people, the handling of farmers’ demands, and the perceived suppression of dissent. The All India Student’s Federation (AISF), Student’s Federation of India (SFI), All India Student’s Association (AISA) and National Students Union of India (NSUI) and some other organisations continued to raise these issues
This was one of the reasons why the Chief Justice’s alleged reference to young people as “Cockroaches” generated widespread opposition and formation of Cockroach Janta Party (CJP). This was followed by a demonstration at Jantar Mantar. The detention of Sonam Wangchuk and subsequent repression of protesters further strengthened the feeling among young people that their right to peaceful expression was under threat.
The response of the authorities, including excessive force and attempts to discredit protesters, has deepened public concern about the state of democracy. Instead of retreating, students and youth have continued to mobilise. Their growing participation suggests that a new phase of popular awakening may be emerging.
An especially positive development is the growing rejection among youth of communal politics. Attempts to label critics and questioning citizens as “Mental Naxals” by none other than the Prime Minister have further angered young people and students.
The deeper issue, however, goes beyond any particular government or political party. Capitalism cannot by itself resolve poverty, unemployment, social injustice or inequality of opportunity. Exploitative systems have historically used divisions based on religion, region, caste, tribe, language and other identities to weaken popular unity. The colonial policy of “Divide and Rule” was not unique to British rule; ruling and exploiting classes have repeatedly used social divisions to maintain their power.
Workers and other exploited sections may have different religious, regional, caste or cultural identities, but they face common forms of economic exploitation. Their identities deserve respect and protection, but these identities should not become barriers to solidarity.
India is therefore witnessing an important transformation. The re-emergence of student and youth movements, the questioning of communal narratives and the growing demand for democratic rights are signs of a changing social consciousness.
The need of the hour is to strengthen democratic and progressive movements and to unite workers, farmers, students, youth and all oppressed sections around their common interests. A strong working-class movement, based on unity across caste, religion, region and community, is needed today more than ever. (IPA Service)
