By Arun Srivastava
Within a week of the accusation by the Karnataka Home Minister Priyank Kharge that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) was an unregistered and unconstitutional organisation and should face legal actions, the right-wing Hindu exclusionary body suffered a shattering jolt that its senior leaders managing the affairs of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya have been found to be involved in worst kind of embezzlement of fund and jewellery of the temple.
Santosh Dubey a Hindutva leader associated with the Ram Janmabhoomi movement holds senior Trust officials Champat Rai, Anil Mishra, and Gopal Rao, as well as employee Ram Shankar Yadav, responsible for the alleged loot of temple offerings and valuables. Questions over the handling of cash, valuable jewellery, gold and silver offered by devotees have triggered a political controversy and petitions have been filed in the Supreme Court seeking a court-monitored investigation by the federal police.
Acting as the whistle-blower, Dubey alleged “These individuals were entrusted with the responsibility of protecting the Ram Temple and the faith of the devotees; instead, they are the ones who have looted the temple.” He has also lodged a complaint with the police but the police has yet not registered an FIR based on his complaint. The expose has severely hurt the religious belief and trust of the Hindus. Even top Hindu religious seers and gurus have chastised the RSS and its leaders and strongly hold that this nature of loot, rather dacoity in their words, could not have happened without the active connivance of the top RSS leaders managing the temple.
The scandal involving hundreds of crores and huge tract of land and jewellery has surfaced just a year ahead of the crucial assembly election in UP. Till a month back the BJP leadership has been confident of coming to the power for the third time, but the expose has shattered their hope. The “scandal” has sparked intense political controversy and public scrutiny in Uttar Pradesh, leading to friction between the BJP, the RSS. Hindus in UP have “turned against” the RSS and BJP. Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati criticized the handling of the temple trust, accusing the government of shielding influential figures, which provides further ammunition to opposition campaigns. He called the ruling party’s Hindutva “fake,” alleging that only lower-level staff were named in the initial FIR.
It is said that the discordance between traditional ideological purists, emblematized by Mohan Bhagwat and the modern, centralized Modi-Shah leadership has significantly fractured the relationship between BJP and RSS, broader saffron ecosystem. The rift has resulted in a deep ideological and strategic schism, confusing party cadres and dividing loyalties, it has already been posing severe threat to the electoral prospect of the BJP at the 2027 assembly elections of Uttar Pradesh
The growing ideological tension and power struggle stem from several factors but the major issue that has been impacting saffron ecosystem is the opulent Modi persona and “Modi’s guarantees”. The conflict between the two escalated over the BJP’s 2024 general election strategies. The BJP leaders preferred to distance from Bhagwat. The personality clash had a destructive impact on the ecosystem which has been hard pressed to find an amicable solution, which incidentally appears to be elusive.
Though Trust secretary Champat Rai, has stepped down following allegations of loot of donations it is being viewed as a mechanism to protect RSS. The scam has triggered intense public debate, the opposition is yet to exploit the situation and build a peoples’ resistance, seeking detail clarification from RSS and UP government. Top opposition leaders like Akhilesh Yadav instead of connecting the people, are expressing views through emails and twitters. The RSS has faced growing concerns over a decline in its ideological influence, grassroots presence, and political cohesion in Uttar Pradesh.
After the expose of the scam, a catchline has been making round in the cities and rural areas of UP; “Modi Ram Lalla ko laye aur Ram Lalla ko Ayodhya mein lutwaya”, translates to: “Modi brought Lord Ram, but then had the Lord looted in Ayodhya.” People are using this expression to criticize the alleged financial embezzlement and corruption connected to the Mandir. The sentiment captures a mix of religious devotion and political anger, stemming from the following key events.
For decades, the construction of the Ram Mandir was a core political promise driven by Modi and the BJP. When the grand consecration ceremony (Pran Pratishtha) took place, Modi publicly stated that Ram Lalla (the infant form of Lord Ram) had finally got a permanent home. The “Lord was Looted” Part: The controversy arose following public allegations and complaints that massive sums of money meant for the temple—including public donations—were being siphoned off, stolen, or mismanaged.
Though opposition parties have accused the RSS and BJP of “organised loot” and financial embezzlement, they have not been trying to reach out the Dalits and OBCs, who have been feeling suffocated and looking for an alternative. It is a fact that Akhilesh’s “Pichhda” (backward classes), “Dalit”, and “Alpsankhyak” (minority) has yet not made significant inroad into the OBC and Dalits and most shockingly he has not been using the current situation to his advantage.
For the RSS-BJP, the Ram Temple was always a political project used to polarise society. The Dalits and OBCs are not inclined to join hands a with BSP of Mayawati, as they perceive it as the “B” team of BJP. So far the BSP leadership has preferred to maintain silence on scam. Brahmins have already been angry with the BJP. The latest scam further alienated them from RSS and BJP. Brahmins make up less than 10 per cent of the state’s population but are considered opinion makers in the rural areas.
Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi have navigated a complex and sometimes tense political relationship. While they have recently worked as alliance partners in Uttar Pradesh to challenge the BJP, their past interactions have featured distinct moments of opposition, seat-sharing friction, and political rivalry. In view of the changed situation, Akhilesh would have to be more pragmatic and change his strategy.
Akhilesh has frequently emphasized that he is the primary force in Uttar Pradesh, maintaining that regional parties need to take the lead. In state elections, he has sometimes kept the Congress at arm’s length to maintain his party’s vote share and regional dominance. During parliamentary and assembly elections, the two parties have often clashed over seat allocation. Akhilesh Yadav has demanded that the Congress accept fewer seats to prioritize winnable local candidates. He has to keep aside his inhibitions about Congress if he really thinks of defeating BJP.
Both are key figures in the INDIA bloc and have occasionally united to fight the BJP. Their coming together had resulted in Modi not getting absolute majority in the Lok Sabha in 2024. They successfully coordinated in past Lok Sabha elections, sharing stages and justifying their joint ticket to consolidate anti-BJP votes. Akhilesh is actively cementing his position as the principal challenger to the BJP in Uttar Pradesh, but he must realise that Congress is a force in the state. Of late Dalits and EBCs are shifting their allegiance to Congress. As the sitting Leader of Opposition in the UP Legislative Assembly, his goal is to lead the state and position his party as the central axis of the opposition.
Yes, a noticeable segment of the Dalit vote is shifting toward the Congress party, particularly as regional forces like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) have declined and the Congress has aggressively campaigned on a “Save the Constitution” plank. However, Dalit voting remains highly fragmented depending on the region. The Congress significantly expanded its Dalit support base. The Congress has actively attempted to consolidate this shift at the national level by elevating Dalit leadership, advocating for a nationwide caste census, and centralizing the Scheduled Castes department within the party.
During the 2024 general elections, the Samajwadi Party (SP)-Congress alliance secured roughly 56% of non-Jatav Dalit votes and 25% of Jatav Dalit votes, severely damaging the BJP’s prior hold on non-Jatavs. The Congress is actively attempting to consolidate this momentum by holding district-level chaupals (community meetings) and deploying a “Bahujan Vichar” campaign ahead of the 2027 assembly polls. Disenchanted with BSP leadership, both Jatav and non-Jatav Dalits began seeking alternative representation. During recent general elections, the Congress and its allies ran a highly successful campaign warning that a massive BJP victory would lead to the amendment of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Constitution. This created moral panic and successfully consolidated a large portion of the Dalit vote.
Perception of Rahul being the most erudite and visionary leader has been gaining ground. His successful grassroots mobilization and robust performance in the Lok Sabha elections have neutralized long-standing derogatory labels, now casting him as a confident, assertive national leader. Among rural voters, Dalits, and marginalized communities, he is increasingly seen as a voice for social justice and economic equality. His campaigns directly focus on systemic issues such as lack of employment, economic instability, and inflation. It is to be seen how Rahul and Akhilesh effectively make use of the present RSS-BJP discomfiture over loot in Ram Mandir to intensify the poll campaign before 2027 state assembly polls. (IPA Service)
