By Arun Srivastava
Exponents of rightist philosophy do not accept the fact that their organisations are also inflicted with the malaise of class conflict. They are afraid that a confession while would weaken the super-structure of the idea, it would also lose its ability to create and promote the individual cult culture, which is the basic component of the philosophy.
The struggle of supremacy between the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and Prime Minister Narendra Modi ought to be seen in this perspective. For nearly a year, the saffron ecosystem has virtually been engaged in the class conflict but the saffron leaders did not accept the truth. On the contrary the RSS and BJP, which symbolise the ultra-rightist idea and forces, pretend to preach the political idea of social harmony and Hindu unity. They refuse to face the basic question: Whether Hindu society a homogeneous class?
It is a basic reality that a society that draws philosophical sustenance from Manusmriti cannot be a homogeneous class as the entire concept is based on varna (caste system). Rightist ideas and forces are basically autocratic. They do not have any objective economic or social theory to follow. It is the authority of an individual that guides and shapes its functioning.
One thing is absolutely certain that the RSS and BJP are engaged in a conflict which would transform their basic philosophical character and realism notwithstanding the saffron leadership refusing to accept the reality. Their public posture however gives rise to a question; whether the Hindu society has been a classless community. The answer is certainly a big NO. But they are reluctant to pronounce.
Has it been so, the country would certainly not have witnessed such large scale of societal and caste violence. Rightist forces survive on violence, irrespective of the fact whether it is social, caste, communal or ethnic. Since the days of Jana Sangh, the saffron ecosystem has been witnessing clashes between the feudal lords and upper caste people on one side and Dalits, Tribals and poor. Hundreds of poor and Dalit sharecropper or labourers or those engaged in menial work, have been slaughtered by the mercenaries of the feudal lords who are supporters of the saffron ecosystem during last four decades, especially in Bihar and eastern UP.
Saffron narrative of social harmony is deceptive and false. Behind the façade of social harmony and Hindu unity they have been promoting the interests of the rich Hindus and feudal lords. Saffron ecosystem is never seen to stand by the poor and Dalit though they reach out to them, conjuring them to join their rank on the false perception of their being Hindus.
This is indeed a paradox. A small incident is suffice to expose the duality. It is widely known fact that the Ranvir Sena, the private army of the upper caste landlords of Bihar had unleashed violence against the Dalits and had carried out at least 17 incidents of massacres from sixties to eighties. Brahmeshwar Singh alias Mukhiyaji, who died on 1 June 2012 was the commander in chief of Ranvir Sena. While mourning his death Giriraj Singh a cabinet colleague of Narendra Modi had no hesitation whatsoever in saying that Brahmeshwar was a Gandhian in true sense.
Even if the philosophical contour of RSS is accepted that Dalit and EBCs are Hindus, will the saffron ecosystem claim that both castes or communities have the same social order and acceptance. Bhagwat claims that changes are occurring inside the saffron family. In reality these are delusions. A question is being asked why the RSS during the period preceding ascension of Modi as prime minister, did not confront the internal challenges what it has been facing during the last eleven years of Modi’s rule.
The societal differences in RSS were quite intense since its formation in 1925,but it exaggerated after the BJP government of Narendra Modi came to power in 2014. RSS and BJP have reached to a stage from where their returning back to the old form of politics is impossible. The only way out ahead of them is to move on an ideologically bumpy road. It is interesting to watch that after BJP came to power, the contradiction between the upper caste and feudal lords with that of saffron OBC and EBC supporters has intensified. While the rich are reluctant to concede space to the Dalits and backwards, these people are determined to get a share in the power structure.
Atal Behari Vajpayee managed to balance the class interest of both the communities. During his time the number of Dalit cadres and supporters was comparatively small. Nonetheless his liberalism and balancing act were disliked by the RSS and he had to earn its wrath. It is an open secret that the BJP did not fare as expected in 1996 Lok Sabha election as the RSS did not extend full support to it. BJP winning would have strengthened the position of Vajpayee, which would have proved detrimental to the interest of RSS.
Nonetheless RSS allowed a free hand to Narendra Modi. Hailing from the backward caste, Modi used the situation to consolidate his position. He enjoyed the trust of RSS general secretary Dattatreya Hosabale. In August 2021, just a day before the Indian Parliament passed the Constitution Bill on the question of OBC reservation, Hosabale, had said that reservation was a historical necessity for India, it should continue as long as there is inequality being experienced by a particular section of society. He also said that “the history of India would be ‘incomplete’ without the history of Dalits”. Hosabale’s statement was against the political stance of Mohan Bhagwat. He had opposed the reservation.
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat pursued a strong anti-reservation rhetoric. He talked about “revising the reservation policy” before the 2015 Assembly election in Bihar. It was for his remark, the Dalits, OBCs and EBCs moved away from BJP and voted for Mahagathbandhan in 2015 Bihar assembly election. However this development scared Bhagwat. For bringing them back into saffron fold, Amit Shah and Modi disassociated from Bhagwat’s stand and advocated for continuing with reservation. Later realising the political compulsions Bhagwat supported reservation.
A closer look would reveal that after this development of 2015, Modi-Shah duo started giving major thrust on unity of the OBC and EBC. One thing ought to be kept in mind that Chitpavan Brahmins from Maharashtra, who controlled the RSS since its birth had not undergone the change of heart. Bhagwat softening his attitude was a tactical move for appeasement. It is a unpleasant fact that Bhagwat needed BJP more than the BJP actually required him. Riding on the back of Modi rule in last eleven years, RSS has expanded immensely during the ten years of BJP rule.
A look at the growth and development of the BJP and also RSS would reveal that after Modi-Shah duo pushed the interest of Dalit, OBC and EBC post 2015, Bhagwat , rallied behind the BJP. Some studies also reveal that the Indian diaspora constituting of this section has become the main support base of Modi abroad and have also been extending financial support. Quite intriguing, RSS which has not been too comfortable to identify with this section in India, largely depends on them for its expansion in foreign countries.
This has been the major reason for Modi to assert as the Hindu Hridaya Samrat, which is severely resented by RSS chief. For him it poses a major challenge to political and philosophical hegemony of RSS. Yet another factor which is quite perceptible is, the relation between the upper caste and the OBC-EBC supporters has strained much during the last five years. For the creamy layer of these castes, BJP is the only political platform which would help them rise. Historically the political trajectory of these caste has been quite revealing. They left the Congress in mid-eighties as the upper caste Congress men did not provide them space. They switched to regional parties like RJD, Samajwadi Party in Hindi states. But in these states, soon they switched over to BJP; this time for sharing power. They have come to understand the importance of power sharing.
This has been more glaring in West Bengal. Notwithstanding putting best political efforts, Bhagwat or Modi could not reach out to the traditional Bengalis or upper caste Non-Bengali Hindus in the state. The saffron has to be content with the OBC and EBC people who migrated to Bengal from UP or Bihar. BJP has a strong support base in these castes in suburb of Kolkata BJP in its desperation to expand provided that space. But ironically this has alienated the traditional Bengali Hindus and in spite of its exertions, BJP has not succeeded in winning over this section.
This class conflict has sharpened with Bhagwat insisting on removing Modi from the office of prime minister and having his own man as the party president. This is seen by the saffron intermediate caste as a move to marginalise Modi and deny the space they deserve. RSS leadership for some time has been blaming Modi for his “failed promises and repeated lies,” but these people are unmoved. There is no denying that class conflict within saffron ecosystem has bourgeoned, which has the potential to change its character and ideological contour. (IPA Service)
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