By Dr Arun Mitra
When discussing India, it is important to recognize that two fundamentally opposing ideologies are currently engaged in a direct confrontation. One thrives on hatred, division and violence, while the other stands for secularism, love, harmony and the creation of a just and egalitarian society. It is, therefore, essential to examine not merely the clash between these two ideological currents but also the policies and political approach of the RSS-backed Modi government currently in power. This requires us to look at developments both internationally and within the country.
The results of the midterm elections in the United States have dealt a significant setback to Donald Trump. The Democratic Party has strengthened its position in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, making it increasingly difficult for Trump to push through many of his policies and providing greater scope to restrain his actions. Trump is now being described as a lame-duck president. His electoral setback, along with several other developments, reflects growing public resistance to right-wing policies and poses a challenge to the ugly nexus between political power and big business that characterises crony capitalism. A striking example is the huge expenditure in the unsuccessful effort to defeat Abdul El-Sayed, a Muslim Democratic candidate in Michigan.
Similarly, in the recent elections in Brazil, the United States left no stone unturned in its efforts to secure victory for its protégé, Flávio Bolsonaro. Despite the enormous resources deployed, including the use of money and influence over the media and technology, these efforts failed. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was once again elected President of Brazil. The stakes were particularly high because a Bolsonaro victory would have led to a major shift in Brazil’s economic policies and political orientation and could have weakened institutions such as BRICS. For a large country in the neighbourhood of the United States, to maintain its independent political course despite American pressure is no small achievement. Lula, a former trade union leader deeply committed to socialist ideals, placed social welfare and the interests of ordinary people at the centre of his election campaign. This helped him secure widespread popular support.
Brazil is not an isolated example. In Serbia too, the younger generation has challenged the corrupt rule of President Aleksandar Vučić, who had been in power for 14 years, through democratic mobilisation and electoral participation. There is change in Bulgaria too. Meanwhile, in France, Albania, Germany and several other European countries, young people and workers are taking to the streets in large numbers to defend their rights, demand public welfare measures and protect democratic institutions.
India is also witnessing similar developments. Despite severe police repression, young people organised massive demonstrations at Jantar Mantar, in New Delhi with participation running into lakhs, and sustained their resistance. Opposition parties, under the banner of the INDIA bloc, have also assumed the responsibility of defending democracy and challenging the fascist tendencies of the ruling establishment.
The democratic political parties, people’s organisations and progressive intellectuals of India must now make a clear choice about the direction in which they want the country to move. The parties constituting the INDIA bloc must close ranks and work out a common strategy to defeat and remove from power a government that is increasingly serving the interests of the super-rich. This government is not only surrendering the country’s economic interests to foreign corporations but is also systematically eroding social harmony and undermining India’s diversity, unity and integrity. A sustained and determined struggle against its divisive ideology is imperative. There are growing indications that, despite resorting to every possible political manoeuvre, the present government may find it difficult to return to power in the next elections. Had Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu not betrayed the people’s mandate, the present government would have lost power following the 2024 elections.
However, we must not underestimate the danger. History teaches us that fascist forces do not relinquish power easily. When faced with the prospect of defeat, they may deliberately create confrontations, incite violence and even allow large-scale loss of life through communal riots, while continuing to project themselves as the legitimate victors of a democratic process.
No matter how many rallies, demonstrations and public meetings are organised, the decisive battle against these forces will ultimately have to be fought at the ballot box. The INDIA bloc must, therefore, urgently convene serious discussions on the electoral strategy for the states going to the polls in early 2027. Bigger parties, in particular, must rise above narrow political calculations, demonstrate flexibility and accommodate their allies. The need of the hour is to work together and take everyone along.
If the opposition fails to demonstrate unity in the coming elections because of narrow political or electoral considerations, and the present fascist forces return to power, the warning contained in the famous words of Martin Niemöller will become painfully relevant: “First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.”
The INDIA bloc must go beyond being merely an electoral arrangement and emerge as a credible political alternative before the people. It must formulate a comprehensive alternative programme addressing India’s foreign policy, domestic economic policies, social justice, gender equality, agriculture, education, healthcare, employment and other vital concerns. This programme must not remain confined to meetings and resolutions; it must be taken to every section of society through a sustained and extensive public campaign.
The INDIA bloc brings together political parties with different ideological orientations, including several regional parties. Differences in their political approaches, priorities and perceptions are, therefore, inevitable. Some parties also have their own political ambitions, while several among them may be soft towards corporate. These differences cannot simply be wished away. Nevertheless, the gravity of the present situation demands that all parties rise above their narrow interests and engage in serious and constructive deliberations. Progressive forces must take the initiative to unite, develop their own alternative policies and place them before the INDIA bloc for wider discussion. Through this collective exercise, a meaningful and broadly acceptable Common Minimum Programme must be evolved.
Winning this struggle is certainly possible, but it will require sustained effort, political maturity, ideological clarity and, above all, unity of purpose. The international political landscape is undergoing a significant transformation. Across the world, right-wing reactionary forces are facing electoral setbacks despite commanding enormous financial resources and state power. In India too, the fear that the Modi government once inspired is steadily diminishing. More importantly, a significant positive change is taking place in the political outlook and thinking of the younger generation. This emerging democratic consciousness is an important source of hope.
The task is to nurture this consciousness, strengthen the forces of unity and resistance trough a common minimum programme and transform the growing public discontent into a powerful democratic movement. The changing world offers India an opportunity. We must not allow this opportunity to slip away. (IPA Service)
