By Arun Srivastava
RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat voiced his sharp frustrations with modern politics, condemning the malaise of “self-interest,” “me, myself” mindset, by saying that “every rise is followed by a fall”, while addressing the Yuva Dharma Sansad (Youth Dharma Parliament) in Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, on September 18. Bhagwat ruminated: “Uday hua hai to ast bhi hoga” (if something has risen, it will also set).
Interestingly, he reiterated much of the same of what he had spoken during his much-criticised visit to New York in August. Questions are being asked if this reflects his growing frustration with the style of working of the top BJP leaders, as well as his apprehensions about the cracks widening inside the RSS-BJP organisational structure. Goes without saying that Bhagwat is a shrewd strategist, capable of navigating complex political shifts, while steering the mammoth organization. Since taking over as Sarsanghchalak in 2009, his tenure has been marked by long-term structural and narrative changes that balance ideological core values with shifting political realities.
When Bhagwat took charge, the RSS-BJP ecosystem was recovering from back-to-back electoral defeats. He aggressively pushed for an internal generational transition within the BJP, helping dismantle the old guard’s monopoly over leadership. This structural clearing paved the way for a younger, more aggressive leadership layout that ultimately redefined Indian politics over the subsequent decade. Under his leadership, the organisation has carefully repositioned its rhetoric.
He has frequently made statements emphasising that “Hindutva is incomplete without Muslims”, denouncing vigilante violence, as propounded by Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, though critics call this a “theatre” or tactical “mask” designed to soften the RSS’s image. Bhagwat has strategically maintained a visible distance from BJP to assert the RSS’s position as a civilisational guide rather than a political appendage. Bhagwat has pivoted heavily toward expanding outreach to Gen Z and social media creators. This posits him much against the political line of Modi, whose arrogance is lampooned and satirised by youths and students. It is usually said that he prefers to talk down to them, instead of listening to their problems and grievances.
In this backdrop, Bhagwat’s observation that every rise is inevitably followed by a fall, and people should not live under the illusion that everything operates according to their will, bears importance. Speculation about Modi’s continuation as prime minister has resurfaced, after two years, following Bhagwat’s statement at the Ujjain event. BJP’s failure to get absolute majority in the 2024 Lok Sabha election results, had upset Bhagwat and he had made some high-profile statements that were widely interpreted as veiled criticism of Modi’s personalised style of governance. However, Bhagwat later clarified that the RSS has no role in determining political succession or removing Modi from power.
Bhagwat had remarked that a true “sevak” (servant of the people) works without arrogance or the feeling of “I did this”. This was broadly viewed as a critique of the highly personalised “Modi Ki Guarantee” campaign. He had emphasised that in a democracy, the opposition should be treated as a “pratipaksh” (counterpart) rather than an enemy. On self-deification, Bhagwat had remarked, “We should not consider ourselves as god. Let people decide if there is god in you”. Bhagwat had also quoted an anecdote stating that when individuals turn 75, they should consider stepping down to make way for others. These remarks by Bhagwat were by Modi as public decrying of his leadership.
During the last two years, both the leaders were virtually not in speaking terms. They had very formal relations. Obviously, Bhagwat’s remark at the Ujjain meet has sparked fresh curiosity in the political circles about the future of Modi: would he have to finally quit? Even the timeline for his relinquishing the office is a matter of intense discussion. The relationship between the RSS and the BJP leadership remains fluid, keeping the “who after Modi?” question alive in India’s political capital. Despite official clarifications that Modi would continue to be leader till 2029, Bhagwat’s philosophical critiques regarding political arrogance and the transient nature of power continue to fan the flames of political speculation.
Bhagwat’s remark drew wide attention as it coincided with the launching of the month-long Seva Sankalp Abhiyan campaign structured to celebrate Modi’s continuous career as a head of government and public leader for a quarter century. As usual, this celebration is being projected by the saffron ecosystem as a mega-outreach to showcase the strength and voter mobilisation ahead of crucial assembly elections in states like Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, and Uttarakhand. Amid discussions surrounding political succession and internal party dynamics, the grand celebrations aimed to project unwavering support and cement his dominant stature within the party. Bhagwat made a notable statement regarding ego, arrogance, and the cyclical nature of power.
Bhagwat used the occasion to caution the people against getting consumed by ego. He stated, “When a person acts arrogantly and believes that everything is under his control, that everything should happen according to his wishes, he misunderstands.” He used Sun as metaphor to enforce his view. “Take the example of the Sun. Even if you do not believe in the Sun, it will still rise and set.” Since his comments on arrogance, absolute control, and the inevitability of a “fall” coincided with Modi’s birthday and amid highly publicised reports regarding the political equations between the RSS and the BJP, many interpreted it as a veiled critique of Modi’s personalised functioning.
While Bhagwat talked about ago and arrogance, it is indeed shocking that Modi’s 76th birthday celebration received a muted public response despite grand, lavish nationwide campaigns orchestrated by the BJP and its state governments organising massive spectacles for Modi’s birthday, including state-level diya (lamp) lighting events, “Seva Sankalp” campaigns, and extended month-long public service commemorations. Bihar BJP government had organised large-scale diya-lighting on the banks of the Ganga in Patna, which of course drew heavy social media backlash. Critics contrasted the expensive festivities when the state has been reeling under severe floods affecting rural populations. The gap between the scale of the organized events and actual grassroots enthusiasm has prompted internal questioning among BJP insiders regarding the effectiveness of such massive projection strategies.
The Aashirwad Ka Diya campaign for Modi’s birthday received a disheartening and bedewing response across the country compared to the massive nationwide participation seen to0 Modi’s appeal in the past. This time people refused to respond to the Aashirwad Ka Diya initiative. While state governments organized official light shows, ordinary citizens did not turn out in numbers or replicate the organic participation of the pandemic era. The BJP insiders feel that manufactured political events do not carry the same weight or spontaneous public mobilisation as appeals tied to a major national emergency. They even question the size of lavish programmes, while light shows in several states prompt debate over spending, taxpayer resources and grassroots enthusiasm.
Bike rallies featuring hundreds of new motorcycles which carried Modi’s “message of service” from his Lok Sabha constituency, Varanasi, to his birthplace, Vadnagar in Gujarat, and back, over 1,366km separate the two places, was the most severely despised event. In May, Modi had appealed to citizens to conserve fuel by working from home, limiting foreign travel and avoiding unnecessary purchase of gold as the country grappled with a surge in global energy prices. He had even argued that cutting down on cooking-oil consumption could help conserve foreign exchange as edible oil was also imported.
The muted response underscores growing “Modi Fatigue”. Political analysts and even some party insiders point out that the lukewarm public turnout underscores an undercurrent of fatigue with leader-centric branding. Despite the heavily engineered optics, the fact that ordinary citizens did not participate spontaneously suggested that the strategy of using Modi’s image as the primary political driver may be facing diminishing returns. What has worked against Modi is the economic hardship the people were faced with. The contrast between the “extravagant” state-funded celebrations and everyday economic hardships sent a message of a stark disconnect between Modi and people. Modi suffering with sense of insecurity and complex has been used by his Andha Bhakts to impose penalties on the institutions and universities for not lightning diya. IIM Jammu threatened students with a ₹500 fine for skipping the celebrations which fueled an undesirable message of forced sycophancy.
The most lavish of the lightshows was staged by the Madhya Pradesh government on September 17 evening on the banks of the Shipra in the temple town of Ujjain, with the state machinery appearing to have been pressed into full force to make the spectacle stand out. Saffron media cell even carried fake news and photo with caption “Modi’s birthday was celebrated in Nizamuddin Markaz of Tablighi Jamaat. These are the same people who are ashamed to celebrate the Birthday of their prophet.” (IPA Service)
