By Rabindra Nath Sinha
KOLKATA: It is abundantly clear that the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Manipur on September 13, Saturday, has made little difference to the ground realities in the ethnically-divided north-eastern state. Optics may help the principal political outfit, the Bharatiya Janata Party, to live down the persistent Opposition charge that the Prime Minister just did not bother to visit the state for 28 months and 14 days since the outbreak of ethnic violence on May 3, 2023.
But, in terms of substance, BJP has nothing to rejoice over or claim after Modi’s five-hour stay in Manipur, where he reached from Mizoram and which prompted the spokesperson of Kangpokpi-based Committee on Tribal Unity Lun Kipgen to describe the visit as a “stopover”. Leader of the Congress Legislature Party and former chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh likened the visit to one in a poll-bound state where Modi habitually announces packages and inaugurates some projects. He did inaugurate some projects, spoke of some new ones and talked about fund allocation for displaced persons’ relief, including construction of dwelling units.
But, he missed the point that in the given circumstances, the best healing touch would be to execute a time-bound programme for resettling the thousands of people still forced to a miserable existence in relief camps, which are glaring examples of the ethnic divide and unequal treatment, informed sources told IPA. Modi’s speeches – first at tribal-dominated hilly Churachandpur and thereafter at the Meitei-majority Imphal valley – did not reflect his concern for the tragedy that had befallen the state, despite his spending some time with some violence victims in relief centres.
The Kuki-Zo organizations’ stance appears to have hardened. Despite Modi’s call for choosing the path of dialogue and peace, they have once again demanded a Union territory with legislature. Apart from what they describe as the domination of the Meiteis in the administration, they have been buttressing their demand for a UT format with a legislature with the contention that the autonomous district councils for the hill areas have little financial or administrative power. In the memorandum to Modi, the 10 MLAs representing the tribal community, of whom seven are from BJP, have said: “We look forward to a historic shift in our political future ….. You are fully aware of how our people have been … cleansed from the valley areas …. with state complicity by the majority community …. We can now live only as good neighbours ….. “.
Asked by IPA whether reiteration of the demand means conspicuously receding chances of an early ministry formation, BJP’s Kuki MLA Paolienlal Haokip said : “If without us [10 MLAs from the community], they can form a ministry ; we have nothing to say. It all depends on New Delhi [BJP high command and Union government]”. Haokip, in interviews after Modi’s visit, has assessed that not much of substance has happened; yes, in terms of optics, it is some positive for BJP which has been relentlessly targeted by the Opposition on the PM’s avoiding a visit for over 28 months and shying away from speaking on the tragedy.
The first six months of President’s rule expired on August 12 and between may-end and early July efforts, including back-channel exchanges of views, were made by BJP to form a ministry and thereby avoid extension of President’s rule. The party itself was divided on a CM face [which meant top brass did not want former CM Biren Singh to be in the picture]. And, then, BJP did not get the Kuki-Zos to agree on being part of a ministry. Thus New Delhi had to extend President’s rule with effect from August 13for six months.
The majority Meiteis too have reiterated their suggestion for keeping Manipur in its present integrated format and also their charge that a majority from the other side are illegal immigrants from Myanmar and Bangladesh and that they have been damaging the state’s environment with clandestine activity including poppy cultivation.
Hardening of the attitude of the Kuki-Zos is also evident from the controversy surrounding NH 2, which is critical for supplies to the land-locked Imphal Valley. Also, it is the main road to the Imphal airport, which the Kuki-Zos have not been able to access since violence erupted on May 3, 2023. NH 2 connects the Imphal Valley in Manipur to Dimapur in Nagaland and further to Assam via the hill district of Kangpokpi. Apparently, keeping in view the possibility of an early visit to the state by the Prime Minister, the ministry of home affairs (MHA), after talks the representative outfit, Kuki-Zo Council (KZC), announced that the latter had agreed to open NH 2 passing through the Kangpokpi district “for free movement of commuters and essential goods”. But, even after the lapse of 10-11 days free movement for all communities was not a reality.
On September 15, KZC said it would not declare the reopening of NH 2 till a settlement is reached between the two sides. Eruption of ethnic violence led to its shutdown. As there is still no settlement or agreement, no one from either side must cross the buffer zones. “Our request [reference to MHA’s September 4 announcement] was only to the people of Kangpokpi to extend cooperation to the security forces, as directed by MHA, in maintaining safety of commuters” along NH 2, the KZC statement contended. The “buffer zone” must be respected; any violation will lead to serious consequences ….. Security of the buffer zones is the responsibility of the Centre.
The two contentious zones are: Imphal West-Kangpokpi border checkpost between the Meitei-dominated Imphal West district and Kuki-Zo majority Kangpokpi district. This is one buffer zone. The other buffer zone is between the Meitei majority Bishnupur district and Kuki-Zo-dominated Churachandpur district, which warrants travellers to pass through seven security check posts which are under the care of Manipur Police, Assam Rifles, CRPF and BSF. In fine, the negotiating skills of MHA and the Governor-led administration are on test for how long one does not know right now. (IPA Service)
