By Mahesh Rathi
The world has already entered such a technological transition, the impact of which can be broader than even the Industrial Revolution. AI, Generative AI, AGI, advanced computing, semiconductors, robotics and quantum technology are no longer merely subjects of scientific research. They are becoming the basis of the economic, political and military power of the coming time.
But this transformation is rapidly appearing to be taking place around some major centres of the world. Particularly, America and China are emerging as the leaders in developing AI, large computing infrastructure, semiconductors, data, cloud and foundational models. The biggest question before India is whether it will become an independent power in this new technological system, or remain limited to being a huge market and source of talent.
India has taken initiatives in AI. In March 2024, the IndiaAI Mission was launched with an outlay of Rs.10,372 crore, with emphasis on computing capacity, indigenous foundational models, datasets, startups and AI skills. According to the government, by early 2026, more than 38,000 GPUs had been made available for shared computing and 12 teams selected to develop indigenous foundational models and large language models. But this is precisely where we must distinguish between self-satisfaction and real technological power.
Organising an AI conference, inviting foreign companies, increasing startups or making GPUs available is not sufficient. The need is to develop state-of-the-art computing infrastructure, advanced semiconductors, capable foundational models, world-class research institutions, algorithms, datasets, energy infrastructure and high-level AI talent.
India has a historic opportunity. The Global South is not merely a political group of developing countries. It has huge markets, natural resources, a young population and economic possibilities that can shape the new world economy. Africa and Latin America have important minerals and natural resources. Asia has huge markets and manufacturing capacity. India has a huge population, technological human resources, software capabilities, digital public infrastructure and a large domestic market. By combining these capabilities, an alternative model of AI and digital technology development could be presented for the Global South.
But India will have to go beyond merely speaking of “AI for the Global South”. It will have to move toward AI Infrastructure for the Global South, AI Research for the Global South and Technology Manufacturing for the Global South. Here the difference between policy and political presentation becomes visible.
Three important events—the New Delhi AI Impact Summit, the New Delhi BRICS Summit and the SCO Summit in Bishkek—give us an opportunity to understand this difference.
In February 2026, India hosted the AI Impact Summit. It was the first global AI summit organised in the Global South, with more than 20 heads of state, around 60 ministers and hundreds of global AI leaders participating. The summit made People, Planet and Progress its three main pillars and emphasised access to AI and responsible development for the Global South.
This was an important opportunity for India. But its real value will be determined by what India built after it. Did it build world-class AI models, foundational AI research, semiconductors and high-performance computing? Were Indian universities and research institutions able to become part of the world’s leading AI research centres? Did India begin real AI technology partnerships with countries of the Global South?
The same question applies to BRICS and the SCO.
In September, the BRICS Summit was organised in New Delhi. Before this, the SCO Summit was organised in Bishkek. The common question in all three events is: how much has India converted its diplomatic presence into technological and economic power?
Unfortunately, around these international events, a large part of the Indian media appears excessively focused on the personal image of the Prime Minister. Who came to the AI Summit, whom the Prime Minister met, how the Modi-Xi and Modi-Putin meetings were, which photograph appeared, and which foreign leader praised the Prime Minister—these subjects often receive more importance than what India actually achieved.
This is not only a media question. It is also a question of a political and communication system in which presenting the personal image of the leader as an achievement can replace actual governance achievements. If media discourse remains more focused on personal image than policy results, serious questions naturally arise in a democratic society.
The Prime Minister and his party will have to understand that image building is not nation building.
A photograph with a foreign leader does not create a semiconductor industry in India.
Hosting an international conference does not make India an AI superpower.
Mentioning AI in a declaration does not take India ahead in the race for AGI.
The test of nation-building is different. It is the development of technological infrastructure and technologies that can change the lives of ordinary citizens and productive capacity. India needs a clear and inclusive national AI and technology development roadmap.
At its centre should not be only large companies, but also public institutions, universities, startups, MSMEs, farmers, workers and youth. AI development should not remain limited to increasing the technological capacity of some corporate groups.
Computing infrastructure should be expanded on a large scale, semiconductor manufacturing should become a strategic priority, long-term public investment in foundational models should increase, university AI research should be strengthened, high-level models for Indian languages should be developed, and shared AI infrastructure and research networks should be created with Africa, Asia and Latin America.
The government itself accepts limitations in domestic capabilities in semiconductor manufacturing, computing infrastructure, foundational models and the advanced research ecosystem. In August 2026, the government emphasised technological sovereignty through the IndiaAI and India Semiconductor Missions. This is the admission from which we should move forward.
The choice before India is clear. It can become one of the world’s largest AI markets, but merely being a market is insufficient. It will have to become a technology producer, technology owner and technology architect.
The leadership of the Global South will not come through speeches, but through capacity building. If India genuinely wants a leading role in the new world order of the Global South, it will have to establish not merely commercial relations with Africa and Latin America, but technological partnerships as well. It will have to connect AI, minerals, energy, manufacturing and digital infrastructure into an integrated development strategy.
India’s prestige in the new world order will not be determined by how many foreign leaders come to New Delhi or how many photographs of the Prime Minister the media publishes. The real question is: what has India built?
World-class AI models? Fundamental technology? Semiconductor capacity? Research institutions? High-skill employment? Or merely a market, and not technological partners?
This is the real test of the coming decade.
Image building can bring international publicity.
But nation building requires a concrete roadmap of development, technological capability and inclusive development.
India will now have to choose this path. (IPA Service)
